PUMZIKA KWA AMANI MZEE WETU KAWAWA

Pumzika kwa amani mzee wetu, Bwana alitoa 27-05-1926 na bwana ametwaa 31-12-2009. Poleni wafiwa na watanzania wote.

Coat Of Many Colors .... Wimbo ambao nimeshindwa kuuchoka..

Back through the years
I go wonderin' once again
Back to the seasons of my youth
I recall a box of rags that someone gave us
And how my momma put the rags to use
There were rags of many colors
Every piece was small
And I didn't have a coat
And it was way down in the fog
Momma sewed the rags together
Sewin' every piece with love
She made my coat of many colors
That I was so proud of
As she sewed, she told a story
From the bible, she had read
About a coat of many colors
Joseph wore and then she said
Perhaps this coat will bring you
Good luck and happiness
And I just couldn't wait to wear it
And momma blessed it with a kiss

My coat of many colors
That my momma made for me
Made only from rags
But I wore it so proudly
Although we had no money
I was rich as I could be
In my coat of many colors
My momma made for me

So with patches on my britches
Holes in both my shoes
In my coat of many colors
I hurried off to school
Just to find the others laughing
And making fun of me
In my coat of many colors
My momma made for me

And oh I couldn't understand it
For I felt I was rich
And I told them of the love
My momma sewed in every stitch
And I told 'em all the story
Momma told me while she sewed
And how my coat of many colors
Was worth more than all their clothes

But they didn't understand it
And I tried to make them see
That one is only poor
Only if they choose to be
Now I know we had no money
But I was rich as I could be
In my coat of many colors
My momma made for me
Made just for me

I WISH YOU ALL A TANZANIA-CHRISTMAS!!

WADAU NA MARAFIKI WOTE,
I WISH YOU A TANZANIA-CHRISTMAS AND HAPPY NEW YEAR.

GOD BLESS YOU ALL.

RENATHA BENEDICTO UKO WAPI??

Ndugu wadau na marafiki wote,

Namtafuta Dada Mdogo RENATHA BENEDICTO ambaye tumepoteana kwa takriban miaka 7 sasa. Renatha alikuwa mwanafunzi wa shule ya Sekondari Kibasila jijini Dar kati ya mwaka 1998 - 2001 na baada ya hapo alienda Songea TTC kujiunga na masomo ya ualimu. Pia alikuwa kati ya wahanga wa ajali mbaya ya Tawfiq iliyotokea tarehe kama ya leo mwaka 1999 ambapo alikuwa msaada mkubwa saana kuokoa maisha yangu. (Maelezo kamili yako http://changamotoyetu.blogspot.com/2009/04/namtafuta-renatha-benedicto.html)Niliwasiliana naye kwa miaka miwili iliyofuata mpaka alipoenda chuoni Songea nami nikaondoka nchini mwaka uliofuata na kwa miaka mingi sasa nimekuwa nikijitahidi saana kumtafuta bila mafanikio. Naomba kama anaweza kusoma ama kuna anayesoma na kumfahamu anisaidie kuwasiliana naye. Email yangu ni changamoto@gmail.com

Blessings.


"www.changamotoyetu.blogspot.com"

Hotuba ya Rais Obama alipotunukiwa tuzo ya Nobel.

Ukitaka kuangalia video yake iko hapa

A Just and Lasting Peace

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Distinguished Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:

I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations – that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.

And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who have received this prize – Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela – my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened of cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women – some known, some obscure to all but those they help – to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by forty three other countries – including Norway – in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.

Still, we are at war, and I am responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill. Some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the cost of armed conflict – filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.

These questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease – the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.

Over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers, clerics, and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when it meets certain preconditions: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the forced used is proportional, and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.

For most of history, this concept of just war was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations – total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of thirty years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it is hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.

In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another World War.And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations – an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this Prize – America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, and restrict the most dangerous weapons.

In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty, self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.

A decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.

Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states; have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sewn, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, and children scarred.

I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.

We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth that we will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations – acting individually or in concert – will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.

I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King said in this same ceremony years ago – "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life's work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there is nothing weak –nothing passive – nothing naïve – in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.

But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force is sometimes necessary is not a call to cynicism – it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.

I raise this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter the cause. At times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower.

Yet the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions – not just treaties and declarations – that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: the United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest – because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.

So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another – that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause and to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.

So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly irreconcilable truths – that war is sometimes necessary, and war is at some level an expression of human feelings. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions."

What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?

To begin with, I believe that all nations – strong and weak alike – must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I – like any head of state – reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards strengthens those who do, and isolates – and weakens – those who don't.

The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait – a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.

Furthermore, America cannot insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we don't, our action can appear arbitrary, and undercut the legitimacy of future intervention – no matter how justified.

This becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.

I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That is why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.

America's commitment to global security will never waiver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.

The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries – and other friends and allies – demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they have shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular. But I also know this: the belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That is why NATO continues to be indispensable. That is why we must strengthen UN and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That is why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali – we honor them not as makers of war, but as wagers of peace.

Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant – the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.

Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe that the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America's commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. And we honor those ideals by upholding them not just when it is easy, but when it is hard.

I have spoken to the questions that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me turn now to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.

First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to change behavior – for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure – and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.

One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: all will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work toward disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I am working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia's nuclear stockpiles.

But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.

The same principle applies to those who violate international law by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur; systematic rape in Congo; or repression in Burma – there must be consequences. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.

This brings me to a second point – the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based upon the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.

It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.

And yet all too often, these words are ignored. In some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation's development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists – a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values.

I reject this choice. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America's interests – nor the world's –are served by the denial of human aspirations.

So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear to these movements that hope and history are on their side

Let me also say this: the promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach – and condemnation without discussion – can carry forward a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.

In light of the Cultural Revolution's horrors, Nixon's meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable – and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty, and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul's engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan's efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There is no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement; pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.

Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights – it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.

It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they need to survive. It does not exist where children cannot aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.

And that is why helping farmers feed their own people – or nations educate their children and care for the sick – is not mere charity. It is also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, famine and mass displacement that will fuel more conflict for decades. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and activists who call for swift and forceful action – it is military leaders in my country and others who understand that our common security hangs in the balance.

Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All of these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, or the staying power, to complete this work without something more – and that is the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there is something irreducible that we all share.

As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we all basically want the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.

And yet, given the dizzying pace of globalization, and the cultural leveling of modernity, it should come as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish about their particular identities – their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we are moving backwards. We see it in Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.

Most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint – no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or even a person of one's own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but the purpose of faith – for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. We are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.

But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached – their faith in human progress – must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.

For if we lose that faith – if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace – then we lose what is best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.

Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present nature makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him."

So let us reach for the world that ought to be – that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. Somewhere today, in the here and now, a soldier sees he's outgunned but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, who believes that a cruel world still has a place for his dreams.

Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. We can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that – for that is the story of human progress; that is the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.

Brazil boy found with 40 needles in 'black magic rite'

A Brazilian toddler has been found with some 40 needles inside him, which police say his stepfather inserted during a possible "black magic" ritual... Habari zaidi hapa.

HAPPY BIRTHDAY NYANZALA.

Na huyo ndo kitinda mimba wetu, leo anatimiza miaka kadhaaa. Hongera sana mamaa wa ma-assignment. Kitururu na Mwaipopo mwenzenu huyo.

Kitendawili!!..

Ni mwanablogu gani ndiye wa kwanza kabisa kufungua blogu ya Kiswahili?

All about Tanzania facts...

Mwanangu Mija (7), huwa haelewi kabisa kwa nini Kiswahili kinatumia zaidi herufi 'K' pale ambapo yeye anasema ilitakiwa iwe herufi 'C' mfano neno 'kumbe' anasema ilitakiwa iandikwe 'Cumbe' au 'Kula' iwe Cula, Coca Cola kwanini Tanzania inabadili na inaandika Koka Kola., anasema only 'Mchele' has got the letter 'c', nimeshamuelewesha lakini mwenzangu naona inamuwia ngumu kunielewa. Majuzi katika kupitiapitia makablasha yake nimekutana na waraka huo, juu ya duku duku lake, yaani kwa jinsi inavyomsumbua imebidi aandike kabisa. Sasa wadau wataalamu wa lugha na saikolojia za watoto naomba mumsaidie mwanenu katika hili....

VITU VYA KAKA MANJU MSITA! + What to eat to be creative.

Maharusi wamependeza kwa kweli. Hongera sana kaka Manju kwa kipaji chako cha ubunifu.

Kuna wakati nilimuuliza kaka manju, hivi unapataje wazo la kutengeneza vitu ambavyo katika hali ya kawaida mtu si rahisi kufikiria kubuni kitu kama hicho, akanipa jibu moja tu,..Da' mija, nimezaliwa hivyo rafiki yangu..

Nilikubaliana na jibu lake lakini kivyangu-vyangu niliona kuna haja ya kuingia vina zaidi.. ndipo nilipojichimbia na kukutana na mambo kadha wa kadha kuhusu "power of brain". Soma hapo chini:-

WHAT TO EAT TO BE CREATIVE

One might think that eating has nothing to do with your creative capacity, but he would be so wrong. What you put in your system greatly influences how many good ideas you will have and how fast they will come.

Most importantly you need to think long term. If you're in the creative business you have to come up with ideas daily or at least several times a week. You should not abuse your body for short term gains. On long term such practices will make you suffer.
Numerous studies have shown that eating the right kind of stuff can increase your brain powers besides making you healthy.

For fuel your brain uses carbohydrates. Omega 3 fatty acids are used as building blocks for the neurotransmitters. Antioxidants help preserve your brain powers on long term. Now, let's look at these in detail.

The fuel
Carbohydrates are important because this is what your brain runs on. I recommend eating plenty of whole grain foods, because they break down slower therefore providing a steady supply of fuel for hours. White bread in contrast burns fast giving you a short term boost only.
You need to try and avoid all fast acting carbohydrates such as sugars and keep them for those extreme occasions when you need to deliver an extreme performance. If you abuse sugars all the time you will not be able to get a boost from them when you really need it.
Think of yourself as a street race car. If you were to run on nitro all the time, you would quickly wear out your engine and you would not be able to give yourself an extra boost when you're at a race.

The building blocks

You need to take in sufficient amount of omega 3 fatty acids, because that's what helps your brain to build the highways within your brain to carry information.
If you don't eat enough of this stuff, your brain will survive by building roads from other types of oils, which are less efficient for carrying info, therefore slowing down your processing power overall.
You can get omega 3 from many foods, but you need to pick and choose them carefully. Oily fish and nuts are the best sources. You can also take food supplements, but are pretty expensive and taste disgusting.
The best thing about eating omega 3 is that it's not only good for your brain, but everything else in your body as well. Also, you need not to worry about getting fat from them, unlike from other fats that can be found in pork or beef.

Protection

You need to preserve your brain from so called free radicals. The most well known anti-oxidants are vitamin C, E and beta carotene. You get vitamin C and beta carotene from fruits the easiest. E is covered if you eat the nuts. E is crucial for your eyesight as well, so do include nuts in your diet every day.
Supplements
Studies have shown that creatine, a tasteless white powder is a natural substance that our own body produces and usually taken by bodybuilders improves brain performance as well. I have tried it and it does work. Although you can't and should not take it indefinitely.
L-glutamine and other amino acids. These supplements are also available in bodybuilding shops. Your brain needs many rare to find (in food) amino-acids as building blocks.
Vitamins B, C, E, Choline, Phosphatidylserine can all be taken as supplements, but if you eat all the above healthy foods in abundance you won't be needing to supplement.

Stimulants

You can stimulate your brain with many things, but you need to be smart about them. You should not overdo them as it would affect your health and your long term creative output.
We can divide all stimulants into two categories. The ones that speed up your brain and the ones that help to free up your right brain from your left brain. Speed is important for mechanical tasks that you mostly perform with your left brain hemisphere. While you could experiment speeding up your brain for brainstorming sessions, it's best to use left hemisphere blockers for such occasions.
Boosters for speed
Caffeine is the most widely used stimulant, but I have to stress that it will not work if you take it regularly. You should not drink coffee in the morning or drink too much Coke during the day. You should keep your system clean up until the moment you want to speed your brain up. Make sure not to drink caffeine 3-4 hours before going to sleep as it would disrupt your sleep patterns and you will wake up tired.
Other speed boosts besides caffeine are sugars, taurin, gingko biloba and gotu kola. These all speed up your metabolism and circulation temporarily. Cigarettes have the same effect, but they have many negative side-effects, so I would not recommend them. Although if you only smoke for special controlled occasions once a week or less there will be no harmful effects, in-spite of what anybody tells you.

Boosters for creativity

Your left brain hemisphere keeps your right brain in check. It keeps you rational. But when you want to connect two seemingly unrelated things — one definition of creativity — you don't want rational thinking to limit your ideas.
You can partially block out your left brain with alcohol or THC. Marijuana and similar products are illegal in most countries and alcohol is banned in many Muslim countries too. If you decide to drink, take very little. Just enough to put you in the right state of mind. Too much will make you sleepy and unable to concentrate.
If you've been eating right all along you will be in a constant state of calm creative mindset, which you can manually activate with a bit of relaxation.
You can achieve such a creative state with meditation or simply taking an active nap. You can experiment with incense as well. But, these take us into other areas of self management for creative excellence.
Things you should do to boost your brain power besides eating right are:-

Sleep — I know you work late, but do take the effort to have at least 8 hours of sleep a day.

Do sports — It not only improves your overall muscle tone, but your brain too.

Experience new things — Do wine tastings, get new friends, do a crossword, etc.

Be curious — Question everything, get involved and learn about things that are unrelated to your profession.

Write a diary — Blog your life and read your old entries. This will give you a perspective and activate your brain in unexpected ways.

Listen to music — Listen to music all the time, except when you need to be extra focused.

Take time to play — Socially or alone.

Concentrate — Learn to focus and do it regularly for important tasks.

Make love and friends — Strong emotional bonding (not just sex) increases your brain power.

Try scent activation — This is a technique that with time will allow you to achieve a higher state of creative consciousness. Simply create a strong aroma whenever you need to concentrate and be creative.

INAFRIKA BAND IMETUA ULAYA TENA!

Inafrika band kutoka mjini Dar, imeshatua Ulaya kwa kuanza ziara ndefu ya maonyesho ya msimu wa baridi, kikosi kilitua Ujeruamani kama wiki moja na kinaanza onyesho lake la kwanza katika mji wa Amsterdam Uholanzi siku ya ijumaa 4 Nov 2009 katika onyesho la Mama Afrika.
wasikilize bofya hapa.